為了對卑南語，一個臺灣東南部的原住民語言，有更深入的認識，以利保存該語言的現況，
這篇論文探討了卑南語五個方言的音韻系統（南王方言、泰安方言、利嘉方言、知本方言、建和方言），
並且針對南王方言、泰安方言、建和方言的舌冠音(t̪, ʈ, d̪, ɖ, ð, ʐ, s, n, l̪, ɮ, ɭ, r)
和咽擦音(ħ)做了初步的語音實驗分析。
此次的語音實驗使用了電磁構音儀 (EMA)和超音波 (UTI)，
從構音的角度探討卑南語三個方言的舌冠音和咽擦音的發音部位及特色，
並且輔以一些聲學的分析。
實驗的結果顯示，/t̪/和/d̪/實際上是齒音(dental)，而非先前所認為的齒齦音(alveolar)。
而/l/只有在泰安方言是齒齦音(alveolar)，在其他方言都是齒音(dental)。
而/ħ/為咽擦音(pharyngeal)，而非先前所認為的喉擦音(glottal)。

基於611個詞彙條目的詞表，包含第一手田野調查語料以及第二手語料，本篇論文提出了原始卑南語音韻系統的重建。
原始卑南語中總被重建出18個輔音音位和7個元音音位
(*p, *t̪, *ʈ, *k, *b, *d̪, *ɖ, *ɡ, *s, *ħ, *l̪, *ɭ, *r, *m, *n, *ŋ, *w, *y, *a, *i, *u,
*ə, *aj, *aw, *uj)，而重音並沒有音位性，並且都規律地落在實詞的最後一個音節。
與丁邦新（1978）的重建稍有不同的是，
我將*t̪, *d̪ 和 *l̪都重建為齒音，
而針對*ħ，我選擇重建咽擦音而非喉塞音。

本篇論文的發現與丁邦新（1978）的結果稍有不同。
目前南島語言學領域的進展使我得以將蒐集到的第一手、第二手語料，
與已重建至原始南島語的詞彙進行比較，
進而辨識出該詞彙是否是來自鄰近語言（阿美語、排灣語、魯凱語、布農語）的借詞。

最後，本篇論文在納入所有可能的影響因素後，
提出了一個與前人研究稍有不同的分群假設。
如同丁邦新（1978），我的分群假設也將南王分為獨立一支，
其他方言為另一支。
不過，我依據的音變是*ħ > ʔ，而非另一個音變的方向。
其他的方言我將它們歸類為Proto-Nuclear Puyuma (P-NP)，
並且再次分成三個子群，分別為：
(1) 下賓朗和初鹿 (這兩個方言是依據丁邦新（1978）的分類),
(2) 利嘉和泰安 (基於兩方言分別的詞彙創新，我將它們視為兩個不同方言),
以及 (3) 知本和建和。

In order to consolidate our knowledge of Puyuma,
a Formosan language spoken in southeastern Taiwan,
and preserve as much of the language as spoken nowadays,
this thesis examines the phonology of five of its dialects
(Nanwang, Tamalrakaw, Likavung, Katripulr, and Kasavakan),
based on a preliminary phonetic investigation of coronals
/t/, /ʈ/, /d/, /ɖ/, /ð/, /ʐ/, /s/, /n/, /l/, /ɮ/, /ɭ/, /r/ and the pharyngeal fricative /ħ/ or pharyngeal stop /ʡ/.
Electromagnetic articulography (EMA),
ultrasound tongue imaging (UTI),
and some acoustic analysis are used for the examination.
It is found that /t̪/ and /d̪/ are actually dental,
rather than alveolar as previously deemed.
While /l/ is only alveolar in \tml, and is dental in other dialects.
The glottal fricative /ɦ/ is actually a pharyngeal fricative /ħ/.

The present thesis further proposes a reconstruction of the Proto-Puyuma
phonological system based on a wordlist of 611 lexical entries.
18 consonants and 7 vowels are reconstructed
(*p, *t̪, *ʈ, *k, *b, *d̪, *ɖ, *ɡ, *s, *ħ, *l̪, *ɭ, *r, *m, *n, *ŋ, *w, *j, *a, *i, *u,
*ə, *aj, *aw, *uj)
in
puyf.
Stress is found to be non-phonemic,
and falls on the final syllable in content words.
Different from previous reconstruction,
I posit *t̪, *d̪, and *l̪ as dental in
puyf,
and I reconstruct *ħ rather than a glottal stop /ʔ/.

The findings in this thesis differ from Ting (1978)
because advances in the Austronesian field of linguistics now allows
for the comparison of the data collected with reconstructions proposed at the
an level,
and loanwords from neighboring languages (Amis, Paiwan, Rukai, Bunun) were able to be identified.

A slightly different subgrouping of the Puyuma dialects is offered that takes into account
all the factors discussed in this thesis.
Like Ting (1978),
I divide Proto-Puyuma into two groups, opposing
Nanwang to all the rest of the Puyuma dialects.
I postulate that Nanwang is characterized by the sound change *ħ > ʔ,
rather than the contrary.
All the other dialects belong to Proto-Nuclear Puyuma (P-NP),
which is split into three subgroups including:
(1) Alripay and Mulivelivek (these two are based on \textcite{ting1978reconstruction}),
(2) Likavung and Tamalrakaw (treated as distinct (rather than a single) dialect here
because they show lexical innovations),
and finally, (3) Katripulr and Kasavakan.

Contents
List of maps v
List of figures xi
List of tables xv
Conventions and list of abbreviations xvi
English abstract xviii
Chinese abstract xix
Acknowledgements (in Chinese) xx
1 Introduction 1
1.1 The Puyuma ethnic group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 The Puyuma language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.3 Literature review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.3.1 Previous phonological analyses on Puyuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.3.2 Previous studies on subgrouping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
1.3.3 Previous study on lexical reconstruction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
1.4 Research questions, objectives and methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
1.4.1 Research questions and objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
1.4.2 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
1.4.3 Data collection and fieldwork . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
1.4.4 Phonetic experiments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
1.4.5 The Comparative Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
1.5 Organization of this thesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2 Synchronic phonology of five Puyuma dialects 25
i
ii
2.1 Phoneme inventories of five Puyuma dialects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
2.1.1 Vowels of five Puyuma dialects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
2.1.2 Consonants of five Puyuma dialects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.2 Syllable structure and stress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
3 A phonetic analysis of coronals and the pharyngeal fricative in three Puyuma
dialects 34
3.1 Procedures of Electromagnetic articulography (EMA) and ultrasound tongue imag-
ing (UTI) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
3.1.1 Electromagnetic articulography (EMA) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
3.1.2 Ultrasound tongue imaging (UTI) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
3.2 Results from Electromagnetic articulography (EMA) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
3.2.1 Coronals in Nanwang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
3.2.2 Coronals and the pharyngeal fricative /ħ/ in Tamalrakaw . . . . . . . . . 65
3.2.3 Coronals and the pharyngeal fricative [ħ] in Kasavakan . . . . . . . . . . 95
3.3 Results from ultrasound tongue imaging (UTI) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
3.3.1 Coronals in Nanwang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
3.3.2 Coronals Tamalrakaw . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
3.3.3 Coronals in Kasavakan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
3.4 An acoustic analysis of laterals and the pharyngeal fricative . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
3.4.1 Laterals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
3.4.2 The pharyngeal fricative /ħ/ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
3.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
4 Reconstruction of Proto-Puyuma phonology 137
4.1 Proto-Puyuma phoneme inventory and reflexes of Proto-Puyuma segments . . . . 137
4.1.1 Reconstruction of Proto-Puyuma vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
4.1.2 Reconstruction of Proto-Puyuma consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
4.1.3 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
4.2 Reconstruction of Proto-Puyuma syllable structure and stress . . . . . . . . . . . 155
4.3 Sound changes from Proto-Puyuma to modern Puyuma dialects . . . . . . . . . . 155
iii
4.4 Sound changes that are not considered crucial for subgrouping . . . . . . . . . . . 160
4.4.1 Reflexes of Proto-Puyuma *b: Katripulr /f/ and Kasavakan /ɸ/ . . . . . . . 160
4.4.2 Reflexes of Proto-Puyuma *d̪ and *ɖ: Merger in Katripulr and Kasavakan . 161
4.4.3 Reflexes of Proto-Puyuma *ħ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
4.5 The Phonological development from PAn to P-Puy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
4.5.1 Regular reflexes of PAn phonemes in Proto-Puyuma . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
4.5.2 Some conditioned and unconditioned changes from PAn to P-Puy . . . . 170
5 A reconstruction of Proto-Puyuma lexicon and related issues 173
5.1 Lexical reconstruction of Proto-Puyuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
5.2 The loss of Proto-Puyuma *ħa- in Nanwang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
5.3 PAn *qaNi- prefix: *ħali- in Proto-Puyuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
5.4 Loanwords in the Puyuma language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
5.4.1 Loanwords from Amis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
5.4.2 Loanwords from Paiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
5.4.3 Loanwords from Bunun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
5.4.4 Loanwords from TSM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
5.4.5 Loanwords from Japanese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
5.4.6 Loanwords from other languages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
5.4.7 Loanwords without clear sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
5.4.8 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
6 Subgrouping hypothesis, lexical innovations, and sporadic sound change 193
6.1 Subgrouping hypothesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
6.2 Lexical evidence for subgrouping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
6.2.1 Lexical innovations in Proto-Katripulr-Kasavakan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
6.2.2 Lexical innovations in Proto-Likavung-Tamalrakaw . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198
6.2.3 Lexical innovations in Proto-Nuclear Puyuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
6.2.4 Lexical innovations and semantic shifts in the five Puyuma dialects . . . . 203
6.3 Sporadic sound change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
iv
7 Conclusion 211
7.1 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
7.2 The insights of this thesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
7.3 Direction for future work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
Bibliography 216
Appendix 220

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