本論文就噶瑪蘭語和巴賽語進行比較研究。基於十五個噶瑪蘭方言和十個巴賽方言，分別重建了原始噶瑪蘭語和原始巴賽語。原始噶瑪蘭語共有十六個輔音音位（*p、*t、*k、*q、*ʔ、*b、*s、*z、*ʁ、*m、*n、*ŋ、*l、*r、*w、*y [j]），及四個元音音位（*i, *u, *ə, *a）和四個雙元音音位（*aw, *ay, *iw, *uy）。原始巴賽語共有十四個輔音音位，包括（*p、*t、*k、*q、*b、*s、*c [ts]、*m、*n、*ŋ、*l、*r、*w、*y [j]），及四個元音音位和四個雙元音音位，其音值與原始噶瑪蘭語沒有什麼區別。原始噶瑪蘭語和原始巴賽語進一步用以重建其上位祖語原始東北台灣南島語。這個祖語的輔音音位包括（*p、*t、*k、*q、*Q、*b、*s、*z、*ʁ、*c [ts]、*m、*n、*ŋ、*r、*w、*y [j]），及四個元音音位（*i、*u、*ə、*a）和四個雙元音音位（*aw、*ay、*iw、*uy）。這些重建改進了先前的研究所遺漏的一些歷史語音變化。首先，*q應該存在於原始東北台灣南島語此一時期，而後在巴賽語的反映（Reflex）中消失，而噶瑪蘭語中則可能變為喉塞音ʔ。然而，李壬癸（2006）未將出現於詞彙首末兩端的喉塞音標示出來，主要因為它在這個位置並無變異作用。*q存於原始東北台灣南島語的說法可以解釋*a在噶瑪蘭語分裂為a和i的條件。其次，*k分裂為k和q在東北台灣南島語裡是受到*R在原始東北台灣南島語的反映而產生的音變。最後，我們發現了原始東北台灣南島語發展到原始巴賽語的過程中，出現了流音同化/異化現象。
本論文透過重建結果找到噶瑪蘭語和巴賽語在語音和詞彙上的共同創新，進而重新檢視語言分群的語音證據，也提供新的詞彙證據，例如，*k的分裂、*dalan「路徑」的音位變換和原始東北台灣南島語*rizap「閃電」的詞彙創新（參見原始南島語*likaC）。我們也對噶瑪蘭方言和巴賽方言進行了詳細的內部分群。總地來說，噶瑪蘭方言可分為北宜蘭亞群（包括武淵、掃笏、美福、打馬煙、擺厘、辛仔罕、武暖和抵美方言）、南宜蘭亞群（包括台東立德、花蓮新社、宜蘭南方澳和里腦方言）以及其他不屬於任何亞群的方言（如珍珠里簡、奇武荖和流流方言）。在北宜蘭亞群中，擺厘、辛仔罕、武暖和抵美方言又形成中部北宜蘭亞群。另一方面，巴賽方言可分為哆囉美遠方言和北部巴賽亞群（包括三貂新社、三貂舊社、社寮、峰仔峙、龜泵、里族、塔塔悠、北投和毛少翁方言）。在北部巴賽亞群中，北投和毛少翁又另外形成一個亞群。

This thesis is a comparative study of diachronic phonologies between Kavalan and Basay. A reconstruction of Proto-Kavalan and of Proto-Basay phonemic inventory is provided. Proto-Kavalan is reconstructed as having 16 consonants (*p, *t, *k, *q, *ʔ, *b, *s, *z, *ʁ, *m, *n, *ŋ, *l, *r, *w, *y [j]), whereas Proto-Basay is reconstructed as having 14 consonants (*p, *t, *k,*q, *b, *s, *c [ts], *m, *n, *ŋ, *l, *r, *w, *y [j]). Both Proto-Kavalan and Proto-Basay arereconstructed as having 4 monophthongs (*i, *u, *ə, *a) and 4 diphthongs (*aw, *ay, *iw, *uy).Based on Proto-Kavalan and Proto-Basay, Proto-Northeast Formosan phonology isreconstructed as having 16 consonants (*p, *t, *k, *q, *Q, *b, *s, *z, *ʁ, *c [ts], *m, *n, *ŋ,*r, *w, *y [j]), 4 monophthongs (*i, *u, *ə, *a), and 4 diphthongs (*aw, *ay, *iw, *uy).
Results of the present study solve several problems in previous studies. Firstly, PAN *q should have reflex in the Proto-Northeast Formosan phonology, which can account for the split of PAN *a into a and i in Kavalan. Secondly, the split of PAN *k into k and q in Kavalan and Basay is due to the reflex of PAN *R nearby, rather than due to the presence of a following *a (Li 2004). Thirdly, liquid assimilation and dissimilation are found while Proto-Northeast Formosan developed into Proto-Basay. The Northeast Formosan subgroup can be justified by phonological and lexical innovations shared by Kavalan and Basay, such as the split of PAN *k, the metathesis of PAN *dalan ‘road’, and the lexical innovation of PNEF *rizap ‘lightning’ (cf. PAN *likaC). An internal classification of Kavalan and Basay dialects is provided. Specifically, Kavalan dialects can be divided into the Northern Yilan subgroup (including Xiblaxuen, Sahut, Xitmixu, XizmamaR, Pali, Sinahan, Xibluwan, and Tubi dialects), the Southern Yilan subgroup (including Kralut, PatRungan, Nanfang-ao, and Xilinaw dialects), and the rest of dialects (Xitnurikan, XibuRaw, and Ximlawlaw) that form independent branches by themselves. Within the Northern Yilan subgroup, Pali, Sinahan, Xibluwan, and Tubi further form the Meso-Northern Yilan subgroup. On the other hand, Basay dialects can be divided into Trobiawan and the Northern Basay subgroup (including Samtiau New, Samtiau Old, Sialiau, Pangasi, Kepong, Litsok, Tatayu, Paktau, and Mosiauang dialects). Within the Northern Basay subgroup, Paktau and Mosiauang further consitute a subgroup.

Abstract.................................................................................................. i
摘要...................................................................................................... ii
致謝辭 .................................................................................................. iii
Table of Contents ....................................................................................... iv
List of Tables ........................................................................................ viii
List of Figures......................................................................................... xii
Abbreviations.......................................................................................... xiii
Chapter 1 : Introduction ............................................................................... 1
1.1 Language backgrounds ............................................................................... 2
1.1.1 The Kavalan language.............................................................................. 2
1.1.2 Dialects of Kavalan .............................................................................. 2
1.1.3 The Basay language ............................................................................... 4
1.1.4 Dialects of Basay ................................................................................ 5
1.1.5 Linguistic position of Kavalan and Basay ......................................................... 6
1.2 Goals and Methodology .............................................................................. 6
1.2.1 Motivation and goals.............................................................................. 6
1.2.2 Methodology ...................................................................................... 7
1.2.3 Sources of data .................................................................................. 8
1.2.3.1 Kavalan data.................................................................................... 9
1.2.3.2 Basay data ..................................................................................... 10
1.2.4 Orthographic and writing conventions ............................................................. 11
1.2.4.1 Orthographic conventions in Kavalan ............................................................ 11
1.2.4.2 Orthographic conventions in Basay .............................................................. 13
1.2.5 Controversial phonemes............................................................................ 14
1.3 Outline of the thesis .............................................................................. 16
Chapter 2 : Literature Review .......................................................................... 18
2.1 Subgrouping hypotheses relevant to Kavalan and Basay ................................................18
2.1.1 “Paiwanic II” .................................................................................... 18
2.1.2 “Northeast Formosan” ............................................................................. 20
2.2 Classification of the dialects of Kavalan and Basay dialects ....................................... 25
2.3 Issues with proposed subgrouping ................................................................... 26
2.4 Summary ............................................................................................ 27
Chapter 3 : Kavalan: Synchronic phonology, diachronic phonology, and dialectal classification .......... 28
3.1 Kavalan synchronic phonology........................................................................ 28
3.1.1 Phonemic inventory of Kavalan..................................................................... 28
3.1.2 Dialectal differences ............................................................................ 32
3.2 Proto-Kavalan consonants ........................................................................... 36
3.2.1 Reconstruction of voiceless obstruents in Proto-Kavalan .......................................... 37
3.2.2 Reconstruction of voiced obstruents in Proto-Kavalan ............................................. 44
3.2.3 Reconstruction of nasals in Proto-Kavalan ........................................................ 48
3.2.4 Reconstruction of liquids in Proto-Kavalan ....................................................... 51
3.2.5 Reconstruction of glides in Proto-Kavalan ........................................................ 54
3.3 Proto-Kavalan vowels ............................................................................... 56
3.3.1 Reconstruction of monophthongs in Proto-Kavalan .................................................. 57
3.3.2 Reconstruction of diphthongs in Proto-Kavalan .................................................... 63
3.4 Internal classification of the Kavalan dialects .................................................... 64
3.5 Summary ............................................................................................ 66
Chapter 4 : Basay: Synchronic phonology, diachronic phonology, and dialectal classification ............ 67
4.1 Basay synchronic phonology ......................................................................... 67
4.1.1 Phonemic inventory of Basay ...................................................................... 67
4.1.2 Dialectal differences ............................................................................ 70
4.2 Proto-Basay consonants ............................................................................. 72
4.2.1 Reconstruction of voiceless obstruents in Proto-Basay ............................................ 72
4.2.2 Reconstruction of voiced obstruent in Proto-Basay ................................................ 78
4.2.3 Reconstruction of nasals in Proto-Basay .......................................................... 79
4.2.4 Reconstruction of liquids in Proto-Basay ......................................................... 82
4.2.5 Reconstruction of glides in Proto-Basay........................................................... 85
4.3 Proto-Basay vowels ................................................................................. 86
4.3.1 Reconstruction of monophthongs in Proto-Basay .................................................... 86
4.3.2 Reconstruction of diphthongs in Proto-Basay ...................................................... 90
4.4 Internal classifications of the Basay dialects ..................................................... 91
4.5 Summary ............................................................................................ 93
Chapter 5 : Proto-Northeast Formosan: Phonology and Lexicon............................................. 94
5.1 Proto-Northeast Formosan phonology ................................................................. 94
5.1.1 Proto-Northeast Formosan consonants .............................................................. 94
5.1.1.1 Reconstruction of voiceless obstruents in Proto-Northeast Formosan ............................. 95
5.1.1.2 Reconstruction of voiced obstruents in Proto-Northeast Formosan ................................ 98
5.1.1.3 Reconstruction of nasals in Proto-Northeast Formosan ........................................... 99
5.1.1.4 Reconstruction of liquids in Proto-Northeast Formosan ......................................... 100
5.1.1.5 Reconstruction of glides in Proto-Northeast Formosan .......................................... 101
5.1.2 Proto-Northeast Formosan vowels ................................................................. 102
5.1.2.1 Reconstruction of monophthongs in Proto-Northeast Formosan .................................... 102
5.1.2.2 Reconstruction of diphthongs in Proto-Northeast Formosan....................................... 104
5.1.3 Phonological evidence for the Northeast Formosan subgroup ....................................... 105
5.1.3.1 Diachronic changes in Proto-Kavalan ........................................................... 105
5.1.3.2 Diachronic changes in Proto-Basay ............................................................. 109
5.1.3.3 Sound changes from Proto-Austronesian to Proto-Northeast Formosan ............................. 110
5.1.3.4 Subgrouping evidence .......................................................................... 117
5.1.4 Summary of Proto-Northeast Formosan phonology ................................................... 119
5.2 Proto-Northeast Formosan lexicon .................................................................. 119
5.3 Summary ........................................................................................... 121
Chapter 6 : Language Contact and PAN Reconstruction ................................................... 123
6.1 Loans in the Northeast Formosan ................................................................... 123
6.1.1 Malayo-Polynesian as source languages ........................................................... 124
6.1.2 The other Formosan languages as source languages ................................................ 126
6.1.3 Borrowings within Northeast Formosan languages .................................................. 128
6.2 Summary ........................................................................................... 129
Chapter 7 : Conclusions ............................................................................... 130
7.1 Summary ........................................................................................... 130
7.2 Limitation and Future research .................................................................... 130
7.2.1 The phonemic status of glottal stop and consonant cluster in Kavalan ............................ 131
7.2.2 The liquids in Basay............................................................................. 131
7.2.3 Relationship between Northeast Formosan and Malayo-Polynesian ................................... 131
References ............................................................................................ 132
Appendix I: Comparative Kavalan Wordlist .............................................................. 136
Appendix II: Comparative Basay Wordlist................................................................ 159
Appendix III: Proto-Northeast Formosan Wordlist ....................................................... 183
Appendix IV: Possible Loanwords ....................................................................... 191
Kavalan ............................................................................................... 191
Basay ..................................................................................................200

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