作為台灣華語中表示廣義言說義的動詞，在經過長久且高頻的被使用後，「說」作為言說動詞的功能逐漸地消失了。經過輕重不一的語意漂白 (semantic bleaching) 後，「說」逐漸發展成為多種不同的句法或語用標記。本研究將從初步探究「說」的各種不同用法著手，最終將焦點放在「說」作為標句詞 (complementizer) 的用法上。
「說」作為狹義上的標句詞，其句法功能是橋接主句與補語子句。也因此，在前人的研究中，幾乎都將作為標句詞的「說」視為沒有語意成分。然而，本研究中發現當標句詞「說」之前的主句動詞為態度動詞 (attitude verbs) 時，標句詞「說」的存在將限制補語子句只能擁有從己 (de se) 解讀。就語意上來看，當標句詞「說」接於態度動詞之下時，標句詞「說」擁有 Kratzer (2006) 所提出的主體照應標句詞 (logophoric complementizer) 之語意：補語子句所表達的命題在與主句動詞所表達的態度相容時為真。句法上則基於測試結果以及 Speas & Tenny (2003), Huang & Ochi (2004) 與 Huang & Liu (2001) 對左緣結構中語用投射的分析，將標句詞「說」定位於態度詞組 (Attitude Phrase, AttP) 的中心語位置。同時，標句詞「說」將於態度詞組的指示語 (specifier) 位置強制觸發一個空算符 (null operator)。此空算符的語意對應是一個 λ 算子，用以約束補語子句中的個體變數 (individual variable)，例如「他」或「自己」，同時使得此個體變數能夠有主體照應性 (logophoricity)。此外，接於態度動詞下的標句詞「說」基於特徵查核將可以允准態度副詞，如「到底」。
最後，基於台灣華語與台灣閩南語的密切接觸及相似性，本研究將論證推廣到台灣閩南語中的標句詞「講」(cf. Lau 2013)，得到平行對應的結果。另一方面，基於句末助詞 (sentence-final particle, SFP) 「說」的語用特性（意外性），本研究也將論證推廣到主句，得到主句中的句末助詞「說」平行對應於補語子句中位於態度動詞之下的標句詞「說」之結果。

As the verb expressing general speech act, shuo has gradually lost its function of being a speech act verb after intensively and frequently used by its speaker in a long period of time. Through different degrees of semantic bleaching, shuo has gradually developed into different kinds of syntactic or pragmatic markers. This study will firstly explore all the different kinds of usage of grammaticalized shuo and finally focus on the usage of shuo being a complementizer.
Since complementizer shuo is a complementizer in a narrow sense, the syntactic function of complementizer shuo is to bridge the subordinate clause with the matrix clause. Therefore, in previous studies, complementizer shuo was viewed as lacking semantic content. However, this study discovers that the existence of complementizer shuo under an attitude verb will compel the subordinate clause to be read de se. Semantically speaking, when complementizer shuo is embedded under an attitude verb, it has the semantic representation of logophoric complementizer proposed by Kratzer (2006): for all the possible worlds w' such that w' is compatible with the individual variable x subjected to the attitude from the matrix verb, the proposition p expressed by the subordinate clause is true in w'. Syntactically speaking, complementizer shuo is positioned as the head of Attitude Phrase (AttP) based on syntactic tests and the analyses of the pragmatic projections in the left periphery by Speas & Tenny (2003), Huang & Ochi (2004) and Huang & Liu (2001). Meanwhile, complementizer shuo will obligatorily trigger a null operator OP at [Spec, AttP]. The semantic correspondence of this null operator OP is a λ-operator which is used to bind the individual variable(s) in the subordinate clause, such as ta ‘he’ or ziji ‘self’. This λ-operator also enables the individual variable(s) to be interpreted logophorically. Moreover, based on the checking of [log/POV] feature, complementizer shuo which is embedded under an attitude verb has the ability to license attitude adverbials such as daodi ‘wh-the-hell’.
Lastly, based on the close contact and the similarity between Taiwan Mandarin and Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM), the argumentation of complementizer shuo in this study is extended to include the parallel of complementizer shuo in TSM: that-kóng (cf. Lau 2013). The extended result shows that that-kóng can also carry the semantic representation of logophoric complementizer when it is embedded under an attitude verb. On the other hand, based on the mirative nature of sentence-final particle (SFP) shuo in Taiwan Mandarin, the argumentation in this study also is extended to include SFP shuo. The extended result shows that SFP shuo can also be positioned at the head of AttP in the matrix clause, being a parallel of complementizer shuo which is positioned at the head of AttP in the subordinate clause.

摘要. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i
Abstract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii
Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv
Table of Contents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xii
List of Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
List of Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvi
1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1 Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.2.1 What is the position of complementizer shuo on the syntactic functional
spine? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.2.2 What is the semantic representation of complementizer shuo? . . . . . . . 5
1.2.3 Extension: Can that-kóng in Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM) be considered
as a parallel to complementizer shuo? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.2.4 Extension: Is sentence-final particle (SFP) shuo underlyingly identical to
complementizer shuo? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.3 Roadmap . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2 Different Types of Shuo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2.1 Literature Review: Taiwanese Southern Min, Beijing Mandarin and Taiwan
Mandarin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2.1.1 Taiwanese Southern Min Kóng: Cheng (1994), Lau (2013) and Lien (2020) 8
2.1.2 Beijing Mandarin Shuo: Fang (2006) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.1.3 Taiwan Mandarin Shuo: Huang (2010) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2.2 The Verbal Usage of Shuo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2.2.1 Shuo as the Verb of General Speech Act . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2.2.2 Shuo as a Quotative Marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2.3 The Usage of Shuo in CP-Layer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
2.3.1 Shuo as a Complementizer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
2.3.2 Shuo as a Marker of Evidentiality: Initial Shuo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
2.3.3 Shuo as a Marker of Mirativity: Sentence-Final Particle (SFP) Shuo . . . . 34
2.4 Shuo in Lexical Collocates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
3 The Syntactic Position of Complementizer Shuo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
3.1 Theoretical Background: Cartographic Approach and the Splitting of CP . . . . 40
3.2 Positioning Complementizer Shuo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
3.2.1 Test 1: Topics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
3.2.1.1 Literature Review: Topics in the Left Periphery . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
3.2.1.2 Testing: Embedded Topics with Complementizer Shuo . . . . . . . . 44
3.2.2 Test 2: Denial Zenme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
3.2.2.1 Literature Review: How-Why Alternations in Chinese . . . . . . . . . 45
3.2.2.2 Testing: Embedded Denial Zenme with Complementizer Shuo . . . . 47
3.3 Higher in the Left Periphery: Attitude Phrase and Point-of-View Operator . . . 49
3.3.1 On the Essence of Attitude Phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
3.3.2 Complementizer Shuo as the Head of Attitude Phrase . . . . . . . . . . . 57
3.4 Interim Conclusion and Theoretical Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
4 The Semantic Representation of Complementizer Shuo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
4.1 Different Types of Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
4.1.1 Three Types of Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
4.1.1.1 Type 1: (Purely) Representational Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . 63
4.1.1.2 Type 2: Non-Representational Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
4.1.1.3 Type 3: Hybrid Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
4.1.2 Complementizer Shuo Under Different Types of Attitude Verbs . . . . . . 65
4.1.2.1 Test 1: (Purely) Representational Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
4.1.2.2 Test 2: Non-Representational Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
4.1.2.3 Test 3: Hybrid Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
4.1.3 On the Diversity of Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
4.1.3.1 Representational and Non-Representational Attitude Verbs . . . . . . 80
4.1.3.2 Hybrid Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
4.1.4 Interim Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
4.2 Decomposing Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
4.3 Rules for Semantic Compositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
4.4 Complementizer Shuo as Logophoric Complementizer . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
4.5 On Other Types of Attitude Verbs as the Matrix Verb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
4.5.1 Non-Representational Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
4.5.2 Hybrid Attitude Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
4.6 Interim Conclusion and Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
5 Further Evidence: On the Licensing of Ziji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
5.1 Licensing of Long-Distance Reflexive (LDR) Ziji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
5.2 Licensing of Zijis in Reflexive Doubling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
5.3 Brief Conclusion and Future Prospects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
6 Beyond Subordinate Clauses and Taiwan Mandarin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
6.1 Starting from Taiwanese Southern Min Again . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
6.1.1 Literature Review: On Non-Verbal Kóngs in Taiwanese (Lau 2013) . . . . 124
6.1.1.1 That-Kóng . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
6.1.1.2 Initial Kóng and Intra-Sentential Kóng . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
6.1.1.3 Sentence-Final Particle (SFP) Kóng . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
6.1.2 On the Possibility of De Se Semantics of That-kóng . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
6.1.2.1 Test 1: Aboutness Topic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
6.1.2.2 Test 2: The Scenario Blocking De Se Reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
6.1.2.3 A Brief Conclusion on the Results of Tests Conducted on That-Kóng . 134
6.2 On Attitude Phrase in the Matrix Clause: Revisiting Sentence-Final Particle
(SFP) Shuo in Taiwan Mandarin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
6.2.1 On the Co-Occurrence with Initial Shuo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
6.2.2 On Licensing of Long-Distance Reflexive (LDR) Ziji . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
6.2.3 On Cyclic Spell-Out and Antisymmetry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
6.2.4 On the Possibility of SFP Shuo Originating from Subordinate Clauses . . . 141
6.3 Brief Conclusion and Future Prospects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
7 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
7.1 Summary on Research Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
7.2 Contributions and Limitations of this Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
7.3 Possible Directions for Future Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149

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