英語、台灣閩南語及口語的台灣現代漢語 (後稱「台灣華語」)中，典型進行貌的標記除表達進行貌及持續貌之外，更能是說話者以主觀角度出發、針對某個進行中事件的特質描述。本文將此特殊用法稱作「狀態進行用法」 (stative progressive)。狀態進行用法在台灣閩南語及台灣華語中，以典型進行貌標記 － 分別為「佇咧」(tī-teh) 及「在」－ 加上靜態謂語的組合呈現 (如：佇咧臭屁、在調皮) ；在英語中，非典型的進行貌句構包含 “be V靜態-ing” 及 “be being 形容詞” 兩種樣貌，。

與典型表達狀態持續的持續貌(durative)不同，本文認為狀態進行用法同時帶有動態(dynamicity)及靜態(stativity)成分，暗示句中主語透過本身的行為實現了某個狀態(或特質)。從句法－語用介面的角度切入，本文發現語者念力與狀態進行用法的允准有非常密切的關聯。也就是說，這個用法並不是一個對現實世界中某個持續狀態、或進行事件的真實描述，而是說話者以語境中的事件為基礎，提供其主觀的看法。

本文首先從進行貌及持續貌的句法結構分析著手，我們認為，在標記形式相同的情況下，進行貌及持續貌可以看做是編碼在動貌層下的兩個特徵(feature)，而動貌特徵的選擇取決於主要謂語的語意性質；此外，地點詞組能否出現在句子中，也同樣由主要謂語決定。以這樣的句法表現作為檢測的依據，狀態進行用法確實帶有動態的成分，確立進行貌特徵在動貌層上的編碼。此外，採用製圖理論的觀點，本文認為在句子的左緣結構上存在一個能夠將說話者錨定在句子中的功能投射ILL(illocutionary force)。在這樣的理論假設下，狀態進行用法的分布限制便能得到合理的解釋。最後，透過在句子底層結構中引介一個隱性輕動詞，不但能在句法上生成狀態進行用法中的動態性質，更保留主要謂語在語法上的靜態性。

In English, Taiwan Southern Min (TSM) and colloquial Taiwan Mandarin (TMC), the use of a canonical progressive construction is identified to have three different functions: i) to indicate an ongoing activity, ii) to express the continuation of a state, and iii) to express the speaker’s attitude towards someone’s behaviour. We respectively refer to them as i) canonical progressives, ii) canonical duratives, and iii) stative progressives. The stative progressive expression in TSM and TMC takes the form of a typical progressive marker followed by a stative predicate, [tī-teh佇咧/ zài在+Pred.stative]. Their English counterparts, on the other hand, include both a [be+Vstative-ing] combination and a [be being adj.] form.
Different from a durative Aspect, which indicates a continuing state, the stative progressive expression is argued to display both dynamicity and stativity, implying the subject’s participation in the performing of the described properties. From a syntax-pragmatics perspective, it is found that the licensing of the stative progressive expression has a close connection with the notion of illocutionary force, which anchors the speaker in the utterance and indicates speaker attitude and intention; that is to say, instead of a description of an actual event in the real worlds, such expression is uttered by the speaker to depict their own belief.
In the current study, we first put forward a unified structural analysis to represent the three different uses of the progressive construction in English, TSM and TMC. We suggest that, the semantic property of the lexical predicate not only specifies which feature, between a [progressive] and [durative] Aspect, is encoded at the head of Asp(ect)P, but also determines the distribution of a locative phrase in the sentence. Such characteristics of the construction serves as syntactic evidence that the expression under examination describes an ongoing event. Adopting a cartographical approach, we further identify a functional projection, ILL, whose head position encodes illocutionary force, anchoring the speaker into the utterance. Syntactic consequences are observed, where unavailability of the stative progressive expression occurs in the absence of a fully-fledged left periphery. Last but not least, following a light-verb treatment to the observed mismatch between lexical and sentential Aspects, we map the rise of the dynamic interpretation onto the narrow syntax by the introduction of a covert light verb. We argue, however, that the stative predicate retains its stativity in the stative progressive form.

Abstract i
Abstract (Mandarin) ii
Acknowledgements iii
Abbreviations iv
Table of Contents v

Chapter 1. Introduction 1
1.1 Illocutionary Force and Dynamicity 3
1.2 Predicate Type and the Durative-Progressive Distinction 6
1.3 Interaction with an Overt Locative Phrase 13
1.4 Stative but Progressive 15
1.5 Organization of the Thesis 17

Chapter 2. A Unified Treatment of the Progressive and the Durative Aspects 18
2.1 Previous Analysis on Progressive zài在 in MC 19
2.2 Previous Analysis on Durative 24
2.3 The Demotion of Location in a Durative Construction 27
2.4 A Unified Structural Representation for Preverbal Progressive/Durative Aspects 32
2.4.1 between TSM and MC 32
2.4.2 among TSM, MC and English 35
2.4.3 towards a light-verb analysis of tì佇: interaction with a locative phrase 38
2.5 Summary 45

Chapter 3. Illocutionary Force as the Licenser of Stative Progressive
Expression 48
3.1 Pragmatic Evidence of ILL 48
3.1.1 non-implication of truth condition 48
3.1.2 implication of contrastive focus 55
3.2 Syntactic Evidence of ILL 57
3.2.1 encoding of ILL in the syntax 57
3.2.2 central vs. peripheral adverbial clauses 60
3.3 Prosodic Evidence of ILL 63
3.4 Deriving ILL in the Syntax of Stative Progressives 67

Chapter 4. Implication of A Light-Verb in the Stative Progressive Expression 69
4.1 Reconsidering [be being adj.] as a Canonical Progressive 75
4.1.1 previous study on a verbal be 75
4.1.2 the verbal be entails input of force without a change of state 79
4.2 A Light-Verb Approach to Aspect Mismatch 81
4.3 Towards a Light-Verb Derivation of Eventuality 84
4.4 Summary 87

Chapter 5. Concluding Remarks 89

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