本論文探討一類帶有程度引介詞(standard marker)語素「kwàa」的泰語比較句。這類比較句可以進一步細分成兩種子類，兩種子類的差別在於句子當中是否出現另一個語素「thîi」：無「thîi」的子類稱作「kwàa-比較句」，在此類比較句中，出現在kwàa後的成分類似於限定詞詞組(DP)；有「thîi」的的子類稱作「kwàa-thîi-比較句」，在此類比較句中，出現在kwàa-thîi後面的結構成分則類似子句。

本研究的第一部分討論kwàa-比較句的結構。在約束現象(binding effect)以及與量化詞的轄域關係的證據支持下，本文主張在泰語kwàa-比較句中，kwàa後面的結構成分實際上類似子句，因此大過於其表層形式的限定詞詞組。據此，本文提出以傳統比較句研究的「刪略分析」之法來分析此類句型的結構相對合適。此外，本文指出這一類比較句當中缺乏「次比較刪略(sub-deletion)」的現象可以從Hsieh (2017)對於中文比較句刪略的分析來解釋。

本研究的第二部分討論kwàa-thîi-比較句的結構和語意。本文指出類似於thîi出現在其他關係子句的用法，kwàa後面的結構成分可以當作是一個帶有隱藏的中心語的關係子句。本文採取Jenks (2014)的分析，將thîi視為標句詞(complementizer)，其在語意上功能為述語抽象化(predicate abstraction)。因此，程度引介詞kwàa的補語可能是完整的標句詞詞組，或者是限定詞/名詞詞組帶有一個隱藏的代表程度的中心語。

In this thesis, I investigate Thai comparative sentences with the morpheme kwàa, which has been seen as a standard marker. There are two types of such comparative sentences depending the presence of another morpheme thîi. In this study, the one without the presence of thîi is termed kwàa-comparative, as the constituent that follows kwàa appears as a DP on the surface; on the other hand, the one with thîi is termed kwàa-thîi-comparative, and the constituent that follows kwàa thîi may be clause-like.

The first part concerns structure of Thai kwàa-comparatives; Given the evidence from binding effects and scope interactions between quantifiers, I suggest that in a Thai kwàa-comparative, the post-kwàa constituent in fact is clause-like and hence is larger than a DP. Therefore, a deletion-based account of comparatives (e.g., Bhatt and Takahashi 2011; Merchant 2009) fares better in characterizing the structure of this type of comparative sentences. Furthermore, I show that the lack of sub-deletion in this type of comparative may be accounted for with Hsieh’s (2017) feature-based analysis of comparative deletion in Mandarin, which is built on the idea that the unvalued T-feature carried by the embedded adjective cannot be elided at PF (Hsieh 2017).

The second part of this thesis concerns the kwàa-thîi-comparative. I first show that given the presence of thîi, which also appears in a relative clause, the post-kwàa constituent in this type of comparative may be seen as a relative clause with a covert nominal head. Following Jenks (2014), I see thîi as a complementizer, which semantically functions as a predicate abstractor. The complement of the standard marker kwàa hence can be a full-fledged CP or a DP/NP with a covert degree-denoting nominal head.

Chinese Abstract....................................................i
English Abstract...................................................ii
Acknowledgements..................................................iii
List of Abbreviations...............................................v
List of Tables...................................................viii

Chapter 1 Introduction.............................................1
1.1 Objectives of this Research..................................1
1.2 Data Sources.................................................2
1.3 Previous Studies on Comparative Constructions in Thai........4
1.4 The Organization of the Thesis...............................7

Chapter 2 Theoretical Background...................................9
2.1 Elements in Comparative Constructions........................9
2.2 The Syntax of Degree Phrases and Comparatives...............10
2.2.1 Comparative Deletion and Comparative Subdeletion............10
2.2.2 Wh-movement in Comparatives.................................11
2.2.3 The Syntax of Extended Adjectival Projection................12
2.3 The Semantics of Comparatives...............................14
2.3.1 Degree and Scale............................................14
2.3.2 Gradable Predicates.........................................15
2.3.3 Degree morphemes in Comparative Constructions...............16

Chapter 3 Comparative Constructions in Thai.......................20
3.1 A Basic Description.........................................20
3.1.1 The Meaning of mâak and kwàa................................21
3.2 Categories of Standard Constituents.........................22
3.3 Conditions on Associates and Standards......................26
3.4 Interim Summary.............................................27

Chapter 4 A Deletion-Based Account for Thai kwàa-comparatives.....28
4.1 Approaches to Phrasal Comparatives..........................28
4.1.1 The Reduction Analysis and The Direct Analysis..............28
4.1.2 The Small Clause Analysis...................................29
4.2 Proposal: The Small Clause Analysis to Thai kwàa-comparatives ...................................................................31
4.3 Evidence for Reduction Operation in Thai....................33
4.3.1 Evidence from Binding Effects...............................33
4.3.2 Evidence from Scopal Interaction............................36
4.4 Potential Arguments against the Small Clause Account........39
4.4.1 Single Standard Restriction.................................39
4.4.2 The Lack of the Subcomparative..............................41
4.4.2.1 Hsieh’s (2017) Account....................................42
4.5 Interim Summary.............................................48

Chapter 5 A Clausal Account for Thai kwàa-thîi-comparatives.......50
5.1 Accounts for Clausal Comparatives...........................50
5.1.1 Accounts for English Clausal Comparatives...................50
5.1.2 Accounts for Japanese Clausal Comparatives..................51
5.1.2.1 Clausal Accounts for Japanese Clausal Comparatives........52
5.1.2.2 Phrasal Accounts for Japanese Clausal Comparatives........54
5.1.3 Interim Summary.............................................58
5.2 Parallel between Relative Clauses and Comparatives in Thai..59
5.2.1 The Particle thîi in Thai Relative Clauses..................59
5.2.2 The Particle thîi in Thai kwàa-thîi-comparatives............63
5.3 Proposal....................................................63
5.3.1 An Analysis of thîi.........................................63
5.3.2 Two Possible Accounts.......................................65
5.3.2.1 The Standard Account......................................65
5.3.2.2 The Nominal Account.......................................67
5.3.3 The Disadvantages of Free Relative Accounts.................69
5.4 Interim Summary.............................................70

Chapter 6 Conclusion..............................................71
6.1 Summary.....................................................71
6.2 Contributions of the thesis.................................72
6.3 Directions for Future Research..............................73

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