本論文從跨語言的角度去談德語和漢語中的一種特殊蒙受結構。 這種蒙受結構語法上主要的特徵有三個： 一來， 他只能出現於帶著指令念力(directive force)或感嘆念力(exclamatory force)的句子裡。 二來， 他具有言者取向的特徵。 三來， 他是具有非在言成分(not-at-issue)。 首先， 以之前分析過漢語、德語、希臘語和西班牙語中這種蒙受結構的研究為出發點， 作者提出德語裡的蒙受結構(ethical dative)與合併在左緣結構裡的念力中心語(force head)要建立對協(Agree)聯繫為了查核蒙受中心語所具有的念力特徵(force feature)。 此外， 本文討論指令念力與感嘆念力之間的關係。透過觀察所謂祈願句中既能為命令、又偏感嘆的語意，作者認為兩種念力的關係其實很緊密。 最後， 作者討論德語和漢語的蒙受結構在句法上的區別是否受到這兩種語言在類型上有所差異的影響。

The following work discusses a special type of extra argumentality from a cross-linguistic perspective, viz. the ethical dative in German and the outer affective in Chinese. This affectee-construction is special in the sense that it is restricted to utterances that carry directive or exclamatory force, is strictly-speaker oriented, and presumably carries not-at-issue meaning, i.e. it is non-propositional. Based on insights from earlier analyses of Chinese, German, Greek and Spanish, it is proposed that the ethical dative in German enters into an Agree-relation with a higher located left-peripheral force head in order to get its unvalued force feature valued. Furthermore, the author argues for a deeper connection between directive and exclamatory utterances based on the observation that so-called optative sentences behave ambiguous between directive and exclamatory interpretations. Finally, a preliminary answer to the question of a possible correlation between the syntactic differences of the ethical dative and the outer affective and the typological differences of the respective languages that they occur in will be discussed.

Abstract ii
Acknowledgements iii
1 Introduction 1
2 Extra Argumentality and Affectees 4
2.1 Applicatives and Extra Arguments 4
2.2 Affective Construtions 8
3 The Ethical Dative and the Outer Affective 17
3.1 Data 17
3.2 Previous Analyses 20
4 A Syntatic Approach 36
4.1 Syntatic Placement and Dependency on Force 36
4.2 Directive and Exclamatory Force and the Role of Optatives 51
4.3 Dicsussion: Cross-linguistic Comparison and the question of how many ethical datives we're actually dealing with 59
5 Conclusion 65
Bibliography 67

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