漢語方言元音在閉音節中呈現出顯著的元音鬆化(laxing)現象。此一現象與學界所熟知的元音弱化(vowel reduction)不同。後者在傳統上被描述為在快速語流或欠缺重音的環境下，由於音節長度的縮短，出現元音不到位(vowel undershoot)而導致的元音弱化。另一方面，閉音節環境中產生的元音鬆化在文獻中則較少被討論。本論文回顧文獻中關於元音弱化的研究，並試著判斷這些理論是否亦能用來解釋閉音節元音鬆化的現象。本文透過台灣閩南語及海陸客語的聲學資料，深入檢視其元音鬆化模式的異同，並以之作為基礎試圖了解閉音節元音鬆化可能的發生原因。本文亦反對Storme (2017)所提出，閉音節元音鬆化係因需要更高的第一共振峰值以增進聽者對音節尾的感知度。相對地，本文指出，閉音節元音鬆化較可能是在較短的閉音節環境中，音節尾的構音姿勢(articulatory gesture)對音節核(nucleus)所產生的影響，造成閉音節元音不到位(closed-syllable vowel undershoot)的現象。而弱化的元音構音姿勢則進一步導致非低元音(non-low vowels)的第一共振峰值上升以便補償失去的元音高度(vowel height)資訊，同時增加第二共振峰的顯著性。最後，本論文調查閉音節元音鬆化的型態如何影響漢語方言中韻缺(rime gap)的出現與分布，並從優選理論的觀點提出統一的解釋。

Vowels in Chinese languages are observed to undergo laxing in closed syllables, a phenomenon called closed-syllable vowel laxing, which was less discussed in the literature. The well-studied vowel reduction has traditionally been described as vowel undershoot in a syllable shortened by loss of prosodic prominence or in fast utterances.
In this thesis I will review traditional analyses of vowel reduction in the literature, and determine if they can account for the similar but different reduction pattern found in closed-syllable vowel laxing. I will present the results obtained from acoustic experiments of Taiwanese Southern Min and Hailu Hakka. The characteristics of closed-syllable laxing in these languages are closely examined and serve as the foundation for understanding how closed-syllable laxing may be triggered. This thesis also argues against Storme’s (2017) proposal that closed-syllable vowel laxing is triggered by the need of higher F1 values as an enhancement of coda perceptibility. Instead, I will show that vowel laxing in closed syllables is most probably caused by the burden of an adjacent consonant coda in a syllable of shorter duration. This study also explains how the limitation of articulatory effort gives rise to closed-syllable vowel undershoot with reduced vowel gestures, which further motivates non-low vowels to undergo lowering to recover vowel height information and F2 distinctiveness. Lastly, this thesis investigates how the patterns of closed-syllable laxing may have an impact on the occurrence of rime gaps in Chinese languages. A formulation under the OT framework is provided to give a uniform account for the distributional patterns of these rime gaps.

Abstract i
摘要 ii
Acknowledgement iii
Chapter 1 Introduction 1
Chapter 2 Previous Works on Vowel Reduction 4
2.1. Lindblom (1963) and Flemming’s (2005) Models 4
2.2. Crosswhite’s Approach and Typology of Vowel Reduction 5
2.3. Summary of Vowel Reduction 6
2.4. Storme’s (2017) Hypothesis on Closed-Syllable Laxing 7
2.5. Problems in Storme’s Hypotheses 11
Chapter 3 Acoustic Experiments 13
3.1. Methods 13
3.1.1. Speakers and Material 13
3.1.1.1. Taiwanese 13
3.1.1.2. Hakka 14
3.1.2. Recording and Data Analysis 15
Chapter 4 Results 16
4.1. Vowel Duration 16
4.1.1. Mean Duration and CVS/CV Ratios 16
4.1.2. Durational Properties 16
4.2. Formants and Gliding 18
4.2.1. Formant Transitions 18
4.3. Vowel Laxing in Closed Syllables 22
4.4. Patterns and Degree of Laxing 26
4.4.1. Asymmetry in Laxing between Front and Back Vowels 26
4.4.2. The Influences of Coda Consonants and VC Combinations 29
4.4.2.1. Compatibility of VC Segments 29
4.4.2.2. Direction of Laxing—Change in F2 29
4.4.2.3. Degree of Laxing—Change in F1 33
4.4.3. Crosslinguistic Similarities and Differences 38
Chapter 5 Discussion 40
5.1. Laxness vs. Tenseness 40
5.1.1. Definitions and Descriptions in the Literature 40
5.1.2. Laxness and VC Gliding 41
5.1.3. Defining Tenseness in Chinese Languages 42
5.2. Interpreting Laxing Patterns of Taiwanese and Hakka 42
5.3. Motivating Closed-Syllable Laxing 44
5.3.1. Distinguishing CSL from Vowel Reduction 44
5.3.2. Articulatory and Perceptual Advantages of CSL 45
5.3.3. Lowering of Mid Vowels 46
5.4. Tentative Summary for CSL 50
Chapter 6 CSL and VC Rime Phonotactics 51
6.1. Rime Gaps in Sinitic Languages 51
6.2. Reconsidering the Role of Duration 52
6.3. Perceptual Difficulties in Chinese Closed Syllables 53
6.3.1. Problem 1: Perceptibility of Places of Articulation of Codas 53
6.3.2. Problem 2: Vowel Distinctiveness 54
6.4. More on the Gaps 54
6.4.1. *-uk in Taiwanese 55
6.4.2. Compatibility of VC gestures 56
6.4.3. *-ɔt/*-ek in Taiwanese 57
6.4.4. *-ik, *-ek in Hakka and *-ek in Taiwanese 58
6.5. Formulating Rime Gaps in Chinese Languages 60
6.5.1. Constraints on Perceptual Distinctiveness 60
6.5.1.1. Auditory Distance on the Scale of F2 Transitions 61
6.5.1.2. The Distinctions of Vowel Height 63
6.5.1.3. Data from Penang Hokkien 64
6.5.2. Dispersion Constraints 68
6.5.3. Other Markedness and Faithfulness Constraints 71
6.5.3.1. Constraints Concerning Vowel Height 71
6.5.3.2. Cantonese and Penang Hokkien 72
6.5.3.3. The Ban on Vowel Breaking 73
6.5.3.4. Remaining Issues 77
Chapter 7 Conclusions and Future Work 79
References 81
Appendix A: Individual Speakers’ Formant Trajectories (Taiwanese) 85
Appendix B: Individual Speakers’ Formant Trajectories (Hakka) 91
Appendix C: Vowel Ellipses of Individual Speakers of Taiwanese 94
Appendix D: Vowel Ellipses of Individual Speakers of Hakka 97
Appendix E: Rime Duration of Individual Speakers of Hakka 99
Appendix F: Rime Duration of Individual Speakers of Taiwanese 100
Appendix G: F1/F2 Values of Midpoint & Endpoint of Hakka Speakers 101
Appendix H: F1/F2 Values of Midpoint & Endpoint of Taiwanese Speakers 103
Appendix I: F1/F2 Values of Group Means 106
Appendix J: Tableaux of Ranking Permutations 108

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