本論文旨在藉由比較早期閩南語與現代閩南語中‘不 m7’、‘無 bo5’、‘袂 be7’、‘未 bue7’、‘勿 mai3’五個否定詞語法功能之異同初探其歷時演變。早期閩南語之語料來自明清戲文 (16世紀中期-19世紀末期閩南語)、傳教士文獻 (17世紀初期閩南語)以及馬來西亞出版之閩南語教材 (19世紀末期閩南語)，現代閩南語語料則來自閩南語故事集及電視劇 (20-21世紀閩南語)。我們發現早期閩南語中的否定詞涇渭分明，分工精細。五個否定詞中除‘未 bue7’與‘勿 mai3’兩個否定詞無改變外，其餘三個否定詞大多之語法功能雖亦無改變，但部分語法功能變化相當劇烈。現代閩南語否定結構中的不對稱性與不規則性並非語言結構本身之因素，而是來自於語言的歷時演變。
本文繼承Song (2015) 之主張認定‘無 bo5’在句末助詞一功能取代否定詞‘不 m7’與‘有 u7’之語用擴張有關，但其理論無法解釋‘無 bo5’取代否定詞‘袂 be7’。我們主張‘無 bo5’取代否定詞‘袂 be7’是句末助詞‘無 bo5’經重新分析為中性句末助詞、並構式化 (Noël 2007) 為中性問句後再類推至否定詞‘袂 be7’所產生的結果。
此外，我們認為現代閩南語中以‘無 bo5’否定形容詞是否定－存在循環演化圈 (Croft 1991) 所致，由‘有 u7’之語用擴張所觸發。現代閩南語中以‘袂 be7’否定形容詞則是因為類推所致，“袂 be7 + VP”為其類推之基底。本文同時也應證了語法轉變亦可能遵循詞彙擴散之模式 (Yue-Hashimoto 1993b; Harris et al. 1995; Roberts 2007)。

This thesis aims to provide a preliminary study on the diachrony of five negators in Southern Min through a comparison of their grammatical functions between early and modern Southern Min: the pure negator 不 m7, the existential/possessive negator 無 bo5, the ability/possibility negator 袂 be7, the aspectual negator 未 bue7 and the imperative negator 勿 mai3. Early Southern Min data are drawn from playscripts from the Ming and Qing dynasty (mid 16th to late 19th century), missionary documents (early 17th century) and a pedagogical material of Southern Min published in Melaka (late 19th century). Modern Southern Min data are extracted from storybooks and TV dramas (late 20th to 21st century).
Negators in early Southern Min exhibit a clear division of labor. The negators 未 bue7 and 勿 mai3 as well as most grammatical functions of the other negators did not undergo changes, while some grammatical functions of the negators 不 m7, 無 bo5 and 袂 be7 underwent drastic changes. The irregularity and/or asymmetry found in negative contrsuctions in modern Southern Min is due not to structural factors but to language change.
The negator 無 bo5 is taking over the negators 不 m7 and 袂 be7 when functioning as a sentence-final particle in modern SM. Following Song (2015), the shift ‘不 > 無’ is argued to be a result of the pragmatic extension of 有 u7. However, the other shift ‘袂 > 無’ is not accounted for by such a proposal. Rather, the shift is attributed to reanalysis and analogy. When the former shift takes place, 無 bo5 is reanalyzed as a generic sentence-final particle. The new construction is constructionalized as a neutral-question construction (Noël 2007) and then analogized to 袂 be7.
The negator 無 bo5 can negate adjectives in modern Southern Min. This is argued to be a result of the Negative-existential Cycle (Croft 1991) in this study, which is presumably triggered by the pragmatic extension of 有 u7. As for another construction “袂 be7 + AP”, it is claimed to emerge from analogy, whose analogical ground is the construction “袂 be7 + VP”. Last but not least, this study supports the view that grammatical changes are possible to follow a lexical diffusion pattern (Yue-Hashimoto 1993b; Harris et al. 1995; Roberts 2007).

Chinese Abstract i
Abstract ii
Acknowledgements iv
List of Abbreviations ix
List of Tables vi
List of Figures viii
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
1.1 Background and Purposes of the Study 1
1.2 Research Questions 2
1.3 Sources of the Data 2
1.4 Organization of the Thesis 7
Chapter 2: Literature Review 9
2.1 Negation and Negators 9
2.1.1 The definition of negation and negators 9
2.1.2 Negators in Taiwanese Southern Min 11
2.1.2.1 Studies in Early Southern Min 11
2.1.2.2 Studies in Modern Southern Min 18
2.1.2.3 無 bo5 as a predominant sentence-final question particle 44
2.1.3 Diachronic studies on negation 47
2.2 Modality and Mood 55
2.2.1 The definition and taxonomy of modality 55
2.2.2 The definition and taxonomy of mood 56
2.2.3 Modality in Southern Min 59
2.2.4 Mood in Southern Min 65
2.3 Aspect 67
2.3.1 The definition of aspect 67
2.3.2 Aspects in Southern Min 68
2.4 Theoretical Frameworks 72
2.4.1 Construction grammar 72
2.4.2 Syntactic change 73
2.4.3 Analogy 76
2.4.4 Lexical diffusion 79
Chapter 3: Negative Constructions in Early Southern Min 82
3.1 不 m7 82
3.1.1 不 m7 + modals 82
3.1.2 不 m7 + VP 88
3.1.3 不 m7 + AP 91
3.1.4 不 m7 + copula 94
3.1.5 A-不 m7-A 96
3.1.6 V+ 不 m7 + resultative complement 97
3.1.7 Sentence-final particle 不 m7 100
3.2 無 bo5 102
3.2.1 無 bo5 + NP 102
3.2.2 無 bo5 + modals 109
3.2.3 無 bo5 + VP 110
3.2.4 無 bo5 + AP 112
3.2.5 Sentence-final particle 無 bo5 113
3.3 袂 be7 116
3.3.1 袂 be7 + modals 116
3.3.2 袂 be7 + VP 119
3.3.3 袂 be7 + V + 得 tit4 121
3.3.4 V + 袂 be7 + resultative complement 125
3.3.5 Sentence-final particle 袂 be7 126
3.4 未bue7 131
3.4.1 未 bue7 + VP 132
3.4.2 Sentence-final particle 未 bue7 135
3.5 勿 mai3 138
3.5.1 勿 mai3 + TP 138
3.6 Summary 142
Chapter 4: Negative Constructions in Modern Southern Min 144
4.1 不 m7 144
4.1.1 不 m7 + modals 144
4.1.2 不 m7 + VP 147
4.1.3 不 m7 + AP 149
4.1.4 不 m7 + copula 151
4.1.5 A-不 m7-A 152
4.1.6 Sentence-final particle 不 m7 154
4.2 無 bo5 156
4.2.1 無 bo5 + NP 156
4.2.2 無 bo5 + modals 157
4.2.3 無 bo5 + VP 160
4.2.4 無 bo5 + AP 162
4.2.5 V + 無 bo5 + resultative complement (+ NP) 164
4.2.6 Sentence-final particle 無 bo5 166
4.3 袂 be7 169
4.3.1 袂 be7 + modals 170
4.3.2 袂 be7 + VP 171
4.3.3 袂 be7 + V + 得 tit4 174
4.3.4 袂 be7 + AP 176
4.3.5 V + 袂 be7 + resultative complement 179
4.3.6 Sentence-final particle 袂 be7 181
4.4 未 bue7 187
4.4.1 未 bue7 + VP 187
4.4.2 Sentence-final particle 未 bue7 190
4.5 勿 mai3 192
4.5.1 勿 mai3 + TP 192
4.6 Summary 194
Chapter 5: The Diachrony of Southern Min Negators 196
5.1 The Five Negators 196
5.1.1 不 m7 196
5.1.2 無 bo5 200
5.1.3 袂 be7 211
5.1.4 未 bue7 221
5.1.5 勿 mai3 223
5.2 Sentence-final Particle 無 bo5 224
5.3 On the Interaction among the Negators 234
5.4 The Emergence of the Deontic Sense 愛 ai3 239
5.5 Summary 253
Chapter 6: Conclusion 254
6.1 Findings and the Proposals 254
6.2 A Sketch of Negative Constructions in Early Southern Min 257
6.3 Limitation and Directions for Future Research 259
References 261
Appendix A: Adjectives in Combination with 不 in Early Southern Min Sources 298
Appendix B: Negators in Hainan Min 305

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